July 25, 1978 Session

Introduction

Causes of the 1964 Internal Dispute
Scope and Content Note: Personalities were the main issue in this fight. “It was purely a power struggle.” At an Executive Council meeting in 1961, the question of a wage increase for regional and industry directors sparked differences with Pollock. There was general dissatisfaction with the increase Pollock was offering.

Stetin Did Not Oppose Pollock until This Council Meeting
Scope and Content Note: It was not so much the money involved, but rather Stetin decided that Pollock's way of doing things needed to be challenged for the benefit of the Union. So he joined the opposition group. This issue of pay raises was the beginning of the fight that culminated in 1964.

Had John Chupka Run Against Pollock in 1964, He Would Have Won
Scope and Content Note: Chupka was a very decent person. Though he differed with Pollock, Chupka would not oppose him; the support for Chupka was there, including Stetin's support.

Pollock Was Opposed Both for His Leadership and His Style of Leadership
Scope and Content Note: Until the 1964 fight, Pollock was unwilling to take chances; although he was honest and dedicated, he was not an innovator; he was a status quo labor leader. However, after the fight, Pollock became more aggressive - he took on the challenge of J.P. Stevens, for example; and he came out against the Viet Nam War in the AFL-CIO Executive Council. The fight, therefore, was useful in that “it provoked him into a greater degree of activity.” After the fight, with the opposition defeated, Pollock had a greater degree of freedom.

In 1964, People Supported Pollock and Chupka Who Had Not Supported Pollock for Executive Vice President in 1953
Scope and Content Note: When Pollock first became President in 1956, he realized he did not have total support; but by 1964 there were various reasons why people chose to support Pollock and Chupka. One reason was the fact that the opposition would not have been as useful to the Union in a leadership capacity. Another reason was that many people, including Stetin, supported the Pollock-Chupka team because of Chupka.

The Opposition Slate in 1964 Would Not Have Been as Useful to TWUA
Scope and Content Note: Bill Belanger was a politician, and he was more interested in the politics phase of the labor movement than in its economic phase. When the 1964 fight first began, Stetin thought Victor Canzano would be the candidate for President; Stetin had less respect for Canzano than he had for Belanger, because Canzano's words and his actions were not always synonymous.

Stetin Felt That His Personal Interest in the Union Would Be Better Served by Backing Pollock and Chupka Than by Backing the Majority
Scope and Content Note: He felt he had a better opportunity for involvement with Pollock and Chupka as the top officers, an admittedly selfish and ambitious motive.

Belanger Was Involved in Things That Were Unusual for a Labor Leader
Scope and Content Note: Stetin prefers not to go into these.

Why Chupka Supported Pollock
Scope and Content Note: Though he was ambitious, Chupka was also loyal and did not care to move up at someone else's expense. In addition, Chupka saw this as a power play by Rieve against Pollock, similar to Rieve's move against Baldanzi in 1950-1952.

Rieve's Involvement in the 1964 Fight
Scope and Content Note: Rieve was interested in getting Canzano elected to the presidency of TWUA. Stetin felt Rieve interfered in the functioning of the organization. Rieve's speech at the 1964 convention was very unfortunate. It was his own decision to make that speech; it may have been to prove to his supporters that he had made the commitment and was going to go through with it.

When Chupka Decided to Support Pollock
Scope and Content Note: At an Executive Council meeting sometime before the fight broke into the open, some of the members asked Chupka to be a candidate, but he refused.

Federation of Textile Representatives (FTR)
Scope and Content Note: The formation of this union of staff prior to the 1962 convention was not necessarily a result of the internal fight. However, because of the division between the staff and the International Union, FTR used the fight as an opportunity for organizing.

New Executive Council Members in 1962
Scope and Content Note: It was probably no accident that of the four new members, two supported Pollock and two supported the Majority.

There Was Greater Potential for the Union in the Early 1960s Because of the Kennedy Administration
Scope and Content Note: A new spirit permeated the political scene and the labor movement. The internal dispute, however, had a detrimental effect on TWUA; it kept the Union from taking advantage of the available opportunities.

The Issue of Local 1790, Brooklyn, New York
Scope and Content Note: The issue of bringing charges against Joseph J. (Johnny) Miraglia and the Local appeared logical as it was presented at the time. This issue hurt the Majority considerably.

Sometime after the 1962 Convention, the Majority Began Caucusing Separately
Scope and Content Note: Prior to that, smaller groups of opposition people had been meeting.

Certain People Lined Up with the Majority Because They Were Antagonized by Pollock
Scope and Content Note: Pollock had a difficult way of dealing with people.

Introduction

The Administration Forces Went into the 1964 Convention Expecting Victory
Scope and Content Note: Boyd Payton decided to come over to the Administration side, and this changed the balance of power in the Council. Victory was expected simply on the strength of the Pollock-Chupka ticket since there were no philosophical differences, and there was no dishonesty or immorality in the leadership. It was clearly just a power play.

The Administration Group Was Prepared to Follow Through on Calling a Special Convention to Settle the Dispute
Scope and Content Note: They wanted to get it over with quickly because dragging it out would not be healthy for the Union.

Wesley Cook Is a Very Bright Man

Merger Between TWUA and UTW
Scope and Content Note: As a condition of merger, UTW wanted to retain its entire Executive Council after merger, but TWUA refused. This was a mistake, especially since Stetin took the same position when the merger between TWUA and ACW was being negotiated.

Though Pollock Was Unwilling to Compromise, It Is Merely Speculation to Suppose That the Majority Candidates Could Have Worked More Effectively for a Merger

Pollock's Stubbornness Could Have Been the Reason the TWUA Trustees Sided with the Majority at the 1964 Convention
Scope and Content Note: It was not because of any discrepancies in the finances.

The 1964 Fight Was More Bitter Than the 1952 Fight Because of the Number of People Involved; But the 1952 Fight Hurt the Union Much More Than the 1964 Fight Because of Secession
Scope and Content Note: The 1964 fight resulted in a loss of key staff, but the 1952 fight resulted in a loss of members. Also, the 1952 fight was at least partially responsible for the damaging southern strike of 1951. A poll of the Marshall Field Company at the time showed that the workers were very bitter about the schism in textile unionism in the early 1950s.

Aftermath of the 1964 Convention
Scope and Content Note: Bill Gordon and Canzano were not ostracized. Belanger and Cook were fired, but Pollock made no attempt to force any other members of the Majority out of TWUA.

Organizing
Scope and Content Note: During World War II the companies became very rich and powerful and decided “to put labor in its place.” The result was the Taft-Hartley Act. As corporations grew, the labor movement began to decline. Throughout the Eisenhower years, big business had the support of government. During the Kennedy-Johnson administrations, this changed a bit. There was a new spirit, with a friend in the White House. The labor movement grew, but only minimally because of the decline in the North. Hence, while the climate for organizing was more favorable, and this is reflected in TWUA organizing statistics, absolute membership statistics showed a decline because of northern mill closings and the practice of companies forcing strikes when they knew the Union was weak. The introduction of more and more blacks into southern industry will help unionize the South. While unions and workers, and therefore organizing, were buoyed by the Democratic administrations in the 1960s, they have not been similarly buoyed since 1976 because they do not view Jimmy Carter's Democratic Administration as friendly. It is in the hands of powerful business interests.

The South Is Changing
Scope and Content Note: More younger people and more blacks in southern industry are changing the labor climate, but “it will take a long time to undo the damage of the hypnotic and tranquilizing effect of the prejudices, of the bigotry that has been developed into their systems” through the generations. The Union cannot compete with the southern power structure and the belief amongst Southerners that this power structure is right.

The Media and the Labor Movement
Scope and Content Note: The media, controlled by employers, makes a big issue of any union corruption which is uncovered, but business corruption is hidden on page 45. The labor movement does not make good use of the media itself or of public relations in general. Stetin has attempted to change this in the AFL-CID, but he has not been able to get any support for the idea.

Introduction

TWUA Organizing Department Set Up in 1971
Scope and Content Note: This Department was formed so that the organizers would be subject to more supervision and more accountability. Stetin opposed the idea at the time; and, after he became President, he discontinued this policy because of the conflicts which were developing between Paul Swaity, the Director of Organizing, and the Regional Directors. The system may have to be changed again because organizing is not improving, and there is still insufficient supervision of organizers.

Swaity Is Now in Charge of Coordinating All Organizing Activities
Scope and Content Note: The problem is that each director or joint board manager “wants to run his own show.” One of Stetin's main goals before retirement is to work out a greater coordination, supervision, and accountability of the organizing activities of the Union. In the years ahead, ACTWU will have to select target corporations whose organization will be directed completely from international headquarters.

The Industrial Union Department's (IUD) Coordinated Bargaining System Should Be Extended to Include Coordinated Organizing
Scope and Content Note: This will be difficult to obtain until the United States gets a President who believes in industrial democracy and is able to change the image of Unions. This also, of course, implies a restructuring of the labor movement along the lines of one union, one company.

Staff Morale When Stetin Became President of TWUA
Scope and Content Note: Morale was low because there had not been much success with organizing.

Recruiting Field Staff in the 1960s and 1970s
Scope and Content Note: Modern young people “do not have that same idealism, dedication. They don't work as hard.” Today the foreman has more influence on the philosophy of the shop steward than vice versa. This relationship goes all the way up to the presidents of companies and unions. Young people today are more materialistic, and this is the fault of the labor movement; “we've developed that kind of a person.” The labor movement has improved the material well-being of more and more people, but the spirit of cooperation of the 1930s has been lost. People coming into the labor movement today do not want to make sacrifices; they want to start at the top.

Industrial Productivity Is Down Today Because Worker Morale Is Down
Scope and Content Note: The threat of plant liquidations is a factor, but the unions may also be at fault by not convincing the workers that they really understand and care. There has to be more to it than simply bread and butter.

New Approaches to Organizing
Scope and Content Note: Stetin does not agree that campaigns should be carried on indefinitely until an election victory seems possible. Defeats are not necessarily bad, provided contact is maintained with the union supporters. The labor movement should develop community organizations of the organized people in the community and “like-minded people,” so that constant educational, community, promotional activities are going on and these activities include non-union workers. A union cannot come in and expect a successful organizing campaign if the workers have been “hypnotized by the employer” and the power structure of the community for the previous fifteen years.

The Business Community's Offensive Against Labor Today
Scope and Content Note: Stetin agrees with United Auto Workers (UAW) President Doug Fraser's assessment. Even enlightened employers have allied with the union-busters in the effort to defeat the 1978 Labor Law Reform Bill. The banks and the conglomerates are in control throughout the world, and “they are responsible for the ills of our society.” The American labor movement should begin to speak out against this situation.

Introduction

The Effect on TWUA of Walter Reuther's Leaving the IUD and the AFL-CIO
Scope and Content Note: The TWUA had difficulty getting Reuther to go to the South on its behalf. I.W. Abel was more helpful to TWUA. The exodus of Reuther, however, probably injured the TWUA's image amongst unorganized workers.

TWUA Participation in IUD Coordinated Bargaining
Scope and Content Note: TWUA participated only to a limited degree because it did not have contracts with many big companies, the type which lend themselves to this approach.

The AFL-CIO'S Organizing Department, Formed in 1967, Has Been Ineffective

The J.P. Stevens Campaign
Scope and Content Note: After reviewing a number of companies, a committee headed by Chupka recommended to the Executive Council that Stevens be the target of an organizing campaign, because there seemed to be organizing interest, conditions were worse than in other companies discussed, and, therefore, the opportunity seemed the best with Stevens. Even though this decision was made during the 1962-64 internal fight, the campaign was viewed as a factor in bringing the Union closer together, especially since Reuther and the UAW would be lending support in the drive. The campaign languished from time to time and occasionally Stetin considered fundamental re-evaluation of the entire approach to the Stevens Company.

Fear Is the Major Obstacle to Organizing the South
Scope and Content Note: The labor movement is not an accepted way of life in this country, the Southern worker is aware of this and thus is afraid to take any chances with organized labor. He is afraid of losing his job, because if he is fired, he will lose the respect of his neighbors. This fear can be overcome only when there is a friendly atmosphere toward labor in the country, in the Congress, in the White House; when belonging to unions is again considered the norm.

Less Than Ten Percent of Textile Workers in the Carolinas Are Organized Today

Since Organizing Was Easier in the North, the South Was Somewhat Ignored, Especially Since the Defeats Were Greater in the South Than in the North

The Southern Conspiracy Has Existed for Generations
Scope and Content Note: With the 1951 southern strike, it only became more obvious.

The Union Has a More Difficult Time Dealing with Organized Mills in the South That Have Been Taken Over by Large Corporations and Conglomerates

Violence Is Still Part of the Southern Conspiracy, But It Is Not Always Physical Violence
Scope and Content Note: For example, J.P. Stevens management bugging the telephones of TWUA staff in Wallace, South Carolina. Police are still violent when dealing with strikers, and judges are violent in the way they mete out justice. The guns and billy clubs are less evident today, however.

Rock Hill, South Carolina
Scope and Content Note: Although the TWUA has two strong, militant locals there, it is unable to organize the J.P. Stevens plants in the same area. One factor is that the two organized locals represent dyeing and synthetic fibers, and these divisions of the industry were well organized in the rest of the country. Also, Machinists and Printers are well organized in Rock Hill.

Kayser-Roth Company, Dayton, Tennessee
Scope and Content Note: This company sued the Union alleging loss of business due to the illegal conduct and statements of the strikers. The court ruled against TWUA, and the Union was fined one and a quarter million dollars.

Oneita Strike and Boycott
Scope and Content Note: TWUA was successful because Oneita was a single company; production could not be shifted to another mill. The success of this strike was very important to the Union especially since the boycott was conducted nationwide and gave the Union a good image. It was “one of our brighter moments.” This boycott generated an interest in a boycott against J.P. Stevens, though such a boycott against Stevens had been discussed for many years.

Cannon Mills NLRB Election in 1974
Scope and Content Note: TWUA got 45 percent of the vote. The J.P. Stevens Roanoke Rapids election had just been won. There was good spirit, and the Union brought in big names and workers from other plants.

Wallace, South Carolina, J.P. Stevens NLRB Election in Early 1975
Scope and Content Note: The Stevens' management was so disturbed by TWUA's Roanoke Rapids victory and its near miss at Cannon Mills that it “threw the book at us; they violated every rule in the book.” TWUA still came very close to winning at Wallace.

Introduction

Other Industries Moving South
Scope and Content Note: These industries are not maintaining separate wage and fringe scales for the North and the South. Southern industry is beginning to realize that unless they match northern wages, and eventually fringe benefits also, unions will move in.

The Southern Cotton Industry Has a Higher Wage Scale Than the North
Scope and Content Note: This is partly as a result of TWUA's agitational wage drives, and partly an attempt by the employers to keep the Union out of the plants.

Why Textiles, More Than Any Other Industry, Moved South
Scope and Content Note: Although there were many contributing factors - the availability of cotton and labor, a homogeneous work force, the relative ease of building a cotton mill, cheaper taxes and utility rates - the main factor was the Union. “There were greater efforts at unionism in the textile industry throughout the North - and the South - than in most other industries.”

Both TWUA and UTW Suffered as a Result of the Canadian Nationalist Movement

At the 1974 TWUA Convention, an Attempt Was Made to Resolve the Criticisms of the Canadian Membership
Scope and Content Note: An amendment constitutionalized the Canadian Conferences. The delegates to those Conferences were given the right, subject to the approval of the TWUA President, to elect the Canadian Director. It was an effort to establish a good relationship with the Canadians, whether they stayed with TWUA or whether they formed their own national union. Stetin does not fault Canadians for wanting their own union.

Wilfred Essiambre
Scope and Content Note: He resigned from the Executive Council after the Celanese plants at Drummondville and Sorel, Quebec, were lost to the nationalist movement. He was not up to the job and felt he had been pushed into it, partly because he was French.

TWUA Canadian Membership and Merger
Scope and Content Note: The Canadian locals would have preferred a merger with either the United Rubber, Cork, Linoleum, and Plastic Workers of America or the Oil, Atomic, and Chemical Workers Union rather than with either of the garment unions, because a relationship had been established years earlier by the TWUA Canadian locals with both Rubber and Chemical. Also, Rubber and Chemical were more militant unions.

Modernization of the Textile Industry
Scope and Content Note: TWUA leadership did not stand up to its responsibilities in this area because the Union was not accepted, was always on the defensive, and never had a calm relationship with the industry. Sol Barkin constantly spoke of the need for the Union to encourage mill modernization and diversification, but the leadership always hesitated for fear the members would oppose it. Recently, Stetin attended the convention of the National Union of Hosiery and Knitwear Workers in Scotland. This union dealt with the question of modernization and of pressuring employers to modernize, to retrain employees, in order to remain competitive in the international market. They can do that, however, because the union there is considered a way of life; it is not on the defensive. Stetin was as guilty as other TWUA representatives who refused to permit workload changes, changes in work assignments, the introduction of new technology and automation.

TWUA Locals That Refused to Go Out on Strike with Other Locals in a Region Could Not Be Forced to Do So by the International

Northern Cotton and Wool Industry Gained Few New Fringe Benefits after the WLB Dissolved
Scope and Content Note: One of the reasons was the industry's movement South, and the concomitant weakening of the Union in the North. The workers, furthermore, preferred to take wage increases rather than fringe benefit improvements.

TWUA Usually Preferred Short-Term Contracts

Bargaining in the North Today
Scope and Content Note: Industry-wide negotiations are no longer practical. Single negotiations are the rule, with the hope that the industry leaders will establish a pattern for the others. Wages throughout the North are similar to each other; fringe benefits vary somewhat.

The More Successful Divisions of the Union Did Not Have Much Sympathy for the Problems of the Weaker Divisions
Scope and Content Note: The internal disputes of 1950-52 and 1962-64 contributed to this self-serving attitude.

In March, 1968, the Synthetic Locals of TWUA Set Up Their Own Defense Fund
Scope and Content Note: They felt their higher wages required higher strike benefits. It did not last long.

Synthetic Plants Were More Frequently the Target of Charges Brought by the Equal Employment Opportunities Commission (EEOC)
Scope and Content Note: Women were given fewer job opportunities, and what few blacks worked in the synthetic industry were only given the dirty jobs. Also, the departmental structure was such that it was difficult to move up; people did not move from one department to another.

In the Late 1930s, American Viscose Corporation Had Spies within the Synthetic Locals of TWUA
Scope and Content Note: At this time, the locals of the American Viscose chain were being reorganized. During contract negotiations, TWUA learned of these spies. In 1934, Stetin had personally caught a spy who was an organizer on the Union payroll.

Introduction

More on the Spies of the American Viscose Corporation
Scope and Content Note: Rieve and Payne confronted the president of American Viscose, a Quaker. He denied the charge, but also asked for one week in which to investigate. Within that week, certain leaders in all seven locals removed themselves, and the President apologized to the Union. “The relationship from then until American Viscose was sold to FMC was the best relationship our Union had with any employer.”

The Purchase of American Viscose by FMC Corporation Was a Prime Example of a Conglomerate Taking Over a Company and Immediately Beginning to Fight the Union
Scope and Content Note: FMC also began closing Viscose plants but for economic reasons; the Viscose type of synthetic fibers were being replaced.

Imports
Scope and Content Note: In the 1950s and early 1960s, clothing manufacturers wished to bring into this country cheap, manufactured, raw cloth, which the clothing unions went along with. However, this attitude changed - when importation of finished fabrics (clothes) began to rise.

Limitation of Cotton Imports Preceded Wool and Man-Made Fiber Import Limitations
Scope and Content Note: The woolen industry had declined considerably. The man-made fibers industry was changing from rayon to non-cellulosic; thus, there was no unanimity in the industry to limit imports until much later.

The Present Law Giving Supplemental Benefits to Textile Workers Who Become Unemployed as a Result of Imports Is Merely a “Band-Aid Type of Help”

The Problem of Imports Has Always Been Greater in Canada

Worldwide Textile Industry
Scope and Content Note: All developed countries now complain of imports and multinational corporations. This does not necessarily mean the industry is overproducing; there may, however, be a problem of underconsumption. One of the first industries to be built in a developing nation is textiles; but these countries do not have enough demand at home for textiles, so they must export. Japanese textile imports are no longer a problem; now the Japanese complain of imports.

Why It Took So Long for TWUA to Take Up the Issue of Health and Safety
Scope and Content Note: Until about 1968, when George Perkel and the Research Department began discussing it, the Union was unaware of the problem of byssinosis. The subject simply did not come up until Congress began debating the Occupational Safety and Health Act and thereby brought attention to the problem.

The Introduction of Non-Textile Resolutions at TWUA Conventions, Late 1960s-Early 1970s
Scope and Content Note: Some of the younger people in the Union, as well as the Canadian membership, began pressing issues such as the Viet Nam War.

TWUA Structural Changes
Scope and Content Note: Retirement from the Executive Council at age 65 was never a serious issue until the 1970s. Imbalance on the Council was not so much a geographical imbalance as an imbalance of staff people vis-a-vis local payroll people. This developed as the Union shrunk and there simply were fewer and fewer people on the local payrolls. In 1972, the Union changed the requirement that ballots must be cast for twenty vice presidents and permitted delegates to vote for only fifteen. The administration continued to present a slate of twenty and, except for Charles Sallee's victory, the slate was always elected.

The Relationship of Joint Boards to the International
Scope and Content Note: Traditionally, the TWUA encouraged joint boards to pay their own staff. In the 1970s, however, some people began to urge that the International pay all joint board staff on the theory that it would make for a stronger International. Stetin did not agree and under his presidency more and more people have gone onto local and joint board payrolls.

Percentage Dues System
Scope and Content Note: Jack Rubenstein pressed for a percentage dues system, and George Watson pressed for a two hours pay per month system similar to the Auto Workers and the Steel Workers. The higher wage divisions opposed this on the theory that everyone should pay equal dues for equal service. Stetin would have preferred some kind of proportional dues system.

Jack Rubenstein's Opposition to Compulsory Retirement
Scope and Content Note: He took Stetin to arbitration.

Exemption of the Executive Officers from Compulsory Retirement
Scope and Content Note: This applied to Stetin and Pollock. Pollock was the one who pushed it, and Stetin went along with him.

Why the 1968 Convention Did Not Give Chupka a Supplemental Pension
Scope and Content Note: There was no preparation for this motion, and it was brought up at a time when many delegates were not present. Pollock later amended this through the Executive Council by naming Chupka as a consultant.